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Example text

There is thus little question that patriotic representations of the war and anti-German sentiment were widespread. Yet major reforms to almost every area of state activity stemmed precisely from an appreciation of the magnitude of the collapse. Cultural representations of the war may have signalled a preference for avoiding painful memories of the defeat, but patriotic words and images could offer only a thin veneer of national unity. At best, they revealed that seen through the prism of 1870, visions of Germany inspired greater consensus than visions of France.

44 Such tactics were designed to discredit the Second Empire by suggesting that it was illegitimate and inherently injurious to the nation. Because republicans regarded the war in terms of the nation in arms and the Government of National Defence as the only genuine defender of French interests, they reasoned that action designed to undermine the post4 September war effort constituted treason. For monarchists, however, the question was more complex. As the parliamentary enquiry made clear, monarchists did not regard the Government of National Defence as a legitimate authority, claiming that it lacked a democratic mandate to lead the country.

As government and other organizations sought to create their own memories of the war to serve particular ends, so the contradictions in their narratives became clear. Using so-called ‘vectors’ of memory, that is to say the ‘carriers’ of consciously constructed representations of the past, Rousso traces the ways in which ideas on the occupation and Vichy develop at varying rates. 73 The approach taken in this book differs from that adopted by Rousso by suggesting that there was greater fluidity, adaptation, and change in the development of memories of the Franco-Prussian War than is proposed in the ‘Vichy Syndrome’ model.

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