By Mordecai Lee
ISBN-10: 1438455291
ISBN-13: 9781438455297
The heritage of John Dewey’s management of the revolutionary People’s Lobby.
John Dewey (1859–1952) used to be a preeminent American thinker who's remembered this present day because the founding father of what is named child-centered or revolutionary schooling. In The Philosopher-Lobbyist, Mordecai Lee tells the mostly forgotten tale of Dewey’s attempt to steer public opinion and advertise democratic citizenship. dependent on Dewey’s 1927 booklet The Public and Its Problems, the People’s foyer was once a trailblazing nonprofit supplier, an early forerunner of the now universal public curiosity lobbying staff. It used a number of kinds of mass verbal exchange, grassroots organizing, and lobbying to counteract the various certain curiosity teams and lobbies that appeared to be dominating policymaking in Congress and within the White condo. in the course of the Nineteen Thirties, Dewey and the People’s foyer criticized the hot Deal as too conservative and championed a social democratic replacement, together with a extra innovative tax approach, executive possession of ordinary monopolies, and kingdom operation of the railroad approach. whereas its impression on old advancements was once small, the tale of the People’s foyer is a crucial reminder of a ancient street now not traveled and a coverage schedule that was once now not followed, yet might have been.
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Extra resources for The Philosopher-Lobbyist: John Dewey and the People's Lobby, 1928-1940
Example text
The intellectuals’ reaction to what publicity had morphed into began with one of Dewey’s similarly prolific New Republic colleagues, Walter Lippmann. In 1922, Lippmann released a book on Public Opinion (1997). It was a pathbreaking and seminal consideration of the changing roles of publicity and public opinion in a modernizing society and democratic government. The book was “his most original contribution to political thought, social psychology and the study of mass communications” (Curtis 1991, xv).
It was at this point that Dewey broke with the general early consensus of European and American socialists against a war they had generally viewed as between various capitalist conservative regimes that were antithetical to labor. Rather, Dewey jumped in with both feet, approving of Wilson’s framing of the US war aims as promoting democracy and human rights, fighting against the conquering of territory, fostering national self-determination, and supporting a postwar international structure to prevent future wars.
The mere threat of publicity would also be a prophylactic protecting the public interest from mal-doers. In this sense, publicity, in and of itself, was a goal. Second, publicity campaigns could be mounted by reformers (and the politicians they liked) to enact reforms they felt were in the public interest. Publicity would convince public opinion (then often called sentiment) of the benefits of a particular legislative proposal and, in turn, prompt lawmakers to enact such reforms if they wanted to bask in the approval of the voters.
The Philosopher-Lobbyist: John Dewey and the People's Lobby, 1928-1940 by Mordecai Lee
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