By Dariusz Kolodziejczyk
ISBN-10: 9004191909
ISBN-13: 9789004191907
This can be an in depth research, supplemented by way of an variation of proper resources, of the diplomatic contacts among Poland-Lithuania and the Crimean Khanate among the early fifteenth and the overdue 18th century. It features a chronology of mutual family members, a proper research of assorted different types of files, and a glimpse into the operating of the Crimean chancery, the place Genghisid and Islamic kinds combined with these borrowed from Christian Europe.The booklet presents a desirable perception into the intercultural trade among Catholic Poland (with Latin after which Polish because the major chancery language) and predominantly Orthodox Lithuania (with Ruthenian because the major chancery language) at the one hand, and the Muslim Crimean Khanate (with Khwarezmian Turkic after which Ottoman Turkish because the major chancery language) at the different. It depicts japanese Europe as a quarter of touch, the place the kin among Slavs and Tatars have been under no circumstances constantly opposed.
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Additional resources for The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania: International Diplomacy on the European Periphery (15th-18th Century), A Study of Peace Treaties Followed by an Annotated Edition of Relevant Documents (Ottoman Empire and Its Heritage)
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P. 28. Yet, using a corrupt version from Sbornik knjazja Obolenskago, Zajcev omitted Seyyid Ahmed, whose presence on the list explains the claim by Mengli Giray to rule over his former subjects. 14 part one—chapter one a solemn Crimean embassy that was received in Nowy Korczyn in December 1461. H. 35 We either have to assume that the Crimean chancery was unfamiliar with the Muslim calendar [sic], or that the Christian date is erroneous and the yarlıq was brought by another embassy not recorded by Długosz, probably to Lithuania and not to Poland.
4 above) and by invoking the yarlıq from 1507, in which Mengli Giray reportedly admonished Sigismund: “you should make no excuses and you should pay levies and tribute;” see Antoni Prochaska, “Z Witoldowych dziejów: I. ,” Przegląd Historyczny 15 (1912): 259–264, esp. p. 263. The first argument invites consideration, although one can argue that in 1401, following the Lithuanian defeat of 1399, a tribute was paid not to Tokhtamısh but to his victorious opponent. The second argument results from Prochaska’s misreading as the quoted order is addressed not to Sigismund but to the inhabitants of the lands granted with the yarlıq, whereas the khan orders them to obey the Lithuanian ruler and pay him [emphasis mine-DK] due taxes; cf.
22 part one—chapter one and the Girays, has been convincingly rejected in historiography,62 it goes without saying that after 1475 no Crimean khan could ignore the Ottoman presence, not just across the sea, but in neighboring Caffa as well. Mengli Giray’s relations with Moscow were influenced by common interest mixed with political blackmail. Certainly, Muscovy was a valuable ally against the Great Horde and an attractive trade partner. Yet, Ivan III also had another argument. After Mengli regained the Crimean throne, his brothers Nur Devlet and Haydar initially took refuge in Kiev, but in the fall of 1479, unrestrained by Lithuanian authorities, left for Muscovy.
The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania: International Diplomacy on the European Periphery (15th-18th Century), A Study of Peace Treaties Followed by an Annotated Edition of Relevant Documents (Ottoman Empire and Its Heritage) by Dariusz Kolodziejczyk
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