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Extra info for Science and Whig Manners: Science and Political Style in Britain, c. 1790–1850

Sample text

120 Mary Poovey has argued that the various parties to the theoretical debate over induction bracketed or foreclosed their disagreement by opposing mathematical method to rhetoric. 121 But while this rings true of the theoretical participants, it did not have much practical effect on Whig politicians. Whig statesmen wanted to have it both ways: not only to have statistical material but also to manoeuvre rhetorically. The division of labour usually opera ted so that patrons could sponsor intellectual consultants at discretion.

On the other hand, Foxite whiggery elevated this danger from the throne above the more general confrontation between revolutionary democracy and European civilisation perceived by Edmund Burke. This was the burden of the polemic maintained by Fox's own History of the early Part of the Reign of farnes 11 (published posthumously in 1808) against Burke's later canon. 64 Against this background, it is significant that Jacyna has shown how the commonwealth rhetoric was as important in Scottish natural philosophy as the sociological progressivism of 'Seientific Whiggery'.

Holland cited Rousseau approvingly to this effect in 1793. 69 The general election of 1784 produced a watershed in British politics, and there were plenty of grounds for supposing that the mantle of administering commercial society had devolved on the liberally minded William Pitt. In the wake of the Pittite landslide, Fox's followers faced a government that rhetorically embraced Smithian principles, negotiated the Eden trade treaty (1786-1787) and overhauled the system of taxation. 70 In this context it is useful to note that the Foxite alignment of lohn Millar (who dedicated his Historical View ofthe English Government to Charles Fox in 1787) was less inevitable among the Scottish intelligentsia than has been assumed.

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