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Extra info for Philosophers of Peace and War: Kant, Clausewitz, Marx, Engels and Tolstoy (The Wiles lectures)

Sample text

Released in 1808, Clausewitz returned to work with Scharnhorst in the Prussian Ministry of War, and soon became a leading member of a small circle of ardent military - and therefore, if willy-nilly, of political - reformers within the officer corps. At the same time he was chosen, because of his literary gifts, to supervise the military education of the Crown Prince; and having now attained the rank of major he was at last able to marry the Countess von Briihle. Nevertheless, during these seemingly happy years, Clausewitz became increasingly restless, from a mixture of patriotic and professional 38 CLAUSEWITZ ON THE NATURE OF WAR motives, over the politically degraded position of Prussia, now truncated in its territory and continuously occupied by Napoleon's troops since the Treaty of Tilsit.

If, as has been said, the idea of a literate general defeats the Anglo-Saxon imagination, what can we hope to make of the Prussian officer who was to become the world's first - and, as it may turn out, also its last - philosopher of war? The easiest solution would be to turn him into something definitely repellant - the logician of force, the justifier of bloodshed, or, in Liddell Hart's phrase, 'the Mahdi of mass and of mutual massacre'. And indeed, with a slight change in the balance of historical forces and hence in national mythologies since his death, he might well have become a name of terror, like Bonaparte to nineteenth-century English children.

Here as elsewhere, therefore, we must do what we see to be right, hoping that even our errors, failures and disappointments may be of service in the long run. 18 But he did not see war as an evil which admits of any one complete and immediate cure. It was the extreme form of the general evil - the natural egoism — in human nature which had, first, to be tamed by the enforcement of laws, no matter how harsh and imperfectly rational, and which only thereafter could be directed towards the political ideal of lawful freedom, within which pure social morality - men treating each other as ends, never as means - would be at least partially realised.

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