Download PDF by Richard Geary: Hitler and Nazism

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Example text

Even where no thorough process of technological modernisation took place – and this was true of most industries – work was subject to increasingly ‘scientific management’, a development sometimes described as ‘Taylorism’. This meant increased controls on how workers spent their time on the shop floor, an increase in the division of labour and a speeding-up of work processes. A consequence of this development was the onset of structural, as well as the usual seasonal and cyclical, unemployment. 4 million in 1928.

Such collaboration is therefore not surprising. Perhaps more puzzling is that those who were to be the first political victims of the new regime, namely the Social Democrats and Communists, seemed to do so little to prevent the Nazi seizure of power. The Communists believed that capitalism had entered a final crisis, that fascism was a lastditch effort to maintain the capitalist system and that proletarian revolution was now on the agenda. All that could prevent such a revolution, they believed, was the activity of Social Democrats in misleading the German working class away from the revolutionary path.

In April 1932 the NSDAP took the imaginative step of issuing 50,000 records of one of Hitler’s speeches; and in the presidential elections Hitler gave no fewer than 25 major speeches between 16 and 24 April of the same year. With all the support it could mobilise before Hitler became Chancellor, the NSDAP still fell short of an absolute majority and, as we have already seen, it entered a major crisis after July 1932. The myth of the party’s invincibility had been shaken, the party was becoming short of funds, and, as Goebbels admitted, morale was at a low ebb.

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