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But are*they moving off the educational bus, or over a cliff? Is the behavior of French farm chil- 30 Education and identity in rural France dren due to factors of elimination in the educational system that push children out of school early and into farm careers, or do they choose to leave for other reasons? Educational outcomes are, perhaps, best explained in terms of a dynamic negotiation between a structured system of inequality in the schools and the perceptions and strategies of families concerning the educational needs of their children.

At the same time, a study of their behaviors helps clarify the relationship between compliance and resistance. Lavialle families have influenced the education of their children through "everyday" resistance, overt challenges to teachers, modes of accommodation, and active manipulation. I will argue in this book that the Laviallois resist state power, but do not do so in a calculated manner which is always based upon a clearly articulated understanding of processes of domination. Their resistance does not, moreover, reside in a sense of individual agency, but rather in the strength of extended family groups and local cultural identity.

Bourdieu means by symbolic or cultural capital those "cultural goods" (1990:30) which include linguistic styles, values, interests, and tastes. Members of the lower classes (such as small farmers) fail to succeed in schooling, Bourdieu argues, because they lack the types of social knowledge and symbolic capital valued by the school system. They fail mainly by opting out of the system, however, rather than being forced to leave. 1 Apart from Bourdieu's ethnographic observations in rural France, which led to his study of peasant marriage strategies, his writings on relationships between families, social class, and education are based upon statistical research.

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Filosofia by Wittgenstein Ludwig


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